Medvedev Pretends to Lead
One year after President Dmitry Medvedev took office, it is clear that his "tandemocracy" with Prime Minister Vladimir Putin does not work. Furthermore, their modernization efforts have skilled little if anything at all.
According to a Levada Center survey conducted in April, 76 percent of Russians approve of Putin's work as prime minister, and 67 percent approve of Medvedev's job accomplishment. Putin also holds more than a 10 percent lead over his successor in ratings for overall trust and policies -- 48 percent and 37 percent, severally. In a conjectural early election, Putin would earn 28 percent of the vote to Medvedev's 19 percent. Only 2 percent of those questioned perceived the president's actions as representing fundamentally new policies, and 11 percent think that he is gradually shifting his political course. But a full 80 percent of respondents are certain that Medvedev is essentially, or even down to the ground, continuing Putin's course.
The country's tandem therefore continues as before, with one ruler reigning and the other one pretending to lead.
One year after the inauguration of its third president, Russia continues to be ruled by a narrow circle of the country's elite, handpicked by Putin from among his friends, former KGB colleagues and acquaintances from his St. Petersburg days -- including Medvedev.
During his first year in office, Putin made a number of changes crucial to establishing his hold on authority: He replaced all of the siloviki ministers, established new institutions, appointed presidential envoys to seven federal districts, replaced a host of important direction ministers, brought in new directors for all state-controlled tube stations and put the whole tv broadcasting system under his personal control. By contrast, during his first year as president, Medvedev made only necessary or minor staffing changes such as the long overdo replacement of Ingush President Murad Zyazikov. All of Putin's key appointments are still at their posts, and they have even gained in political and economic significance.
Moreover, both chambers of the parliament are still led by Putin loyalists: Boris Gryzlov and Sergei Mironov. In addition, United Russia -- with Putin as its leader -- continues to hold a constitutional majority not only in the parliament but in most regional legislative bodies as well (although United Russia won fewer seats than expected in recent regional and municipal elections). The result of the party-governed officialism is that it can maintain control over local authority as well, as seen in the indecorous mayoral election in Sochi.
In addition, Putin totally dominates economic policy. He myself makes all decisions regarding the size of the federal budget, the use of the Reserve Fund and what sector or company will get superintendence bailout funds. Putin prefers to make such decisions "on the spot," making it clear who is really calling the shots. Recall the recent visits to the AvtoVAZ in Tolyatti and to a factory producing train cars in Tver.
The president has the constitutional authority to formulate foreign policy, but the whole world witnessed how Putin was the first to enunciate Russia's position during the first days of Georgia war. Medvedev also chose to include Putin when French President Nikolas Sarkozy flew to Moscow to broker a peace agreement. The concept of Russian foreign policy that Medvedev announced on July 12 made no changes or additions to Putin's foreign policy of the previous decade. Russia continues to see itself as surrounded by rivals and even enemies, bouncing from one foreign policy conflict with its neighbors to another: Georgia, ongoing conflicts with the Baltic states, gas disputes with Ukraine and thoughtful demarches with NATO.
The picture become complete if you add to all of the above: the unsolved murder of Novaya Gazeta lady of the press Anna Politkovskaya, the murders of hack Anastasia Baburova and lawyer Stanislav Markelov in the center of Moscow, new criminal proceedings against former Yukos CEO Mikhail Khodorkovsky and his former business partner Platon Lebedev, anti-democratic changes to the Constitution extending presidential and deputy terms, continued censorship of small screen and the absence of any structures for reforming the economy.
If something has changed in Russia over the past year, Medvedev is the last to have had a hand in it.
According to a Levada Center survey conducted in April, 76 percent of Russians approve of Putin's work as prime minister, and 67 percent approve of Medvedev's job accomplishment. Putin also holds more than a 10 percent lead over his successor in ratings for overall trust and policies -- 48 percent and 37 percent, severally. In a conjectural early election, Putin would earn 28 percent of the vote to Medvedev's 19 percent. Only 2 percent of those questioned perceived the president's actions as representing fundamentally new policies, and 11 percent think that he is gradually shifting his political course. But a full 80 percent of respondents are certain that Medvedev is essentially, or even down to the ground, continuing Putin's course.
The country's tandem therefore continues as before, with one ruler reigning and the other one pretending to lead.
One year after the inauguration of its third president, Russia continues to be ruled by a narrow circle of the country's elite, handpicked by Putin from among his friends, former KGB colleagues and acquaintances from his St. Petersburg days -- including Medvedev.
During his first year in office, Putin made a number of changes crucial to establishing his hold on authority: He replaced all of the siloviki ministers, established new institutions, appointed presidential envoys to seven federal districts, replaced a host of important direction ministers, brought in new directors for all state-controlled tube stations and put the whole tv broadcasting system under his personal control. By contrast, during his first year as president, Medvedev made only necessary or minor staffing changes such as the long overdo replacement of Ingush President Murad Zyazikov. All of Putin's key appointments are still at their posts, and they have even gained in political and economic significance.
Moreover, both chambers of the parliament are still led by Putin loyalists: Boris Gryzlov and Sergei Mironov. In addition, United Russia -- with Putin as its leader -- continues to hold a constitutional majority not only in the parliament but in most regional legislative bodies as well (although United Russia won fewer seats than expected in recent regional and municipal elections). The result of the party-governed officialism is that it can maintain control over local authority as well, as seen in the indecorous mayoral election in Sochi.
In addition, Putin totally dominates economic policy. He myself makes all decisions regarding the size of the federal budget, the use of the Reserve Fund and what sector or company will get superintendence bailout funds. Putin prefers to make such decisions "on the spot," making it clear who is really calling the shots. Recall the recent visits to the AvtoVAZ in Tolyatti and to a factory producing train cars in Tver.
The president has the constitutional authority to formulate foreign policy, but the whole world witnessed how Putin was the first to enunciate Russia's position during the first days of Georgia war. Medvedev also chose to include Putin when French President Nikolas Sarkozy flew to Moscow to broker a peace agreement. The concept of Russian foreign policy that Medvedev announced on July 12 made no changes or additions to Putin's foreign policy of the previous decade. Russia continues to see itself as surrounded by rivals and even enemies, bouncing from one foreign policy conflict with its neighbors to another: Georgia, ongoing conflicts with the Baltic states, gas disputes with Ukraine and thoughtful demarches with NATO.
The picture become complete if you add to all of the above: the unsolved murder of Novaya Gazeta lady of the press Anna Politkovskaya, the murders of hack Anastasia Baburova and lawyer Stanislav Markelov in the center of Moscow, new criminal proceedings against former Yukos CEO Mikhail Khodorkovsky and his former business partner Platon Lebedev, anti-democratic changes to the Constitution extending presidential and deputy terms, continued censorship of small screen and the absence of any structures for reforming the economy.
If something has changed in Russia over the past year, Medvedev is the last to have had a hand in it.
